Saudi: A proxy for UK foreign policy

When it comes to the Gulf, Britain has made it clear that profits from arms sales and security considerations take priority over human rights and democracy. The House of Commons’ Foreign Affairs Committee (FAC) published a report in 2013 on UK relations with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. The inquiry highlighted a relationship that stems from a thriving British arms trade with Saudi Arabia fuelled by common ideological commitments and shared strategies in the Middle East. These established interests, driven by the economic profits of the arms trade and the support of a traditional ally, has justified the continuation of a long and close relationship with Saudi Arabia for the consecutive British governments.

While Gulf regimes are increasingly labelled as countries of concern for their human rights abuses, the government has labelled them “priority markets” for its weapons. British arms exports to Saudi have increased significantly since the Arab Spring. According to the Campaign Against the Arms Trade (CAAT), arms sales have come to £17 million in the past year, and included machine guns, grenades and military training equipment making Saudi Arabia the UK’s biggest arms market. In 2013 alone, it sold £1.6 billion worth of arms to Saudi Arabia. Under David Cameron’s premiership, export licenses worth £3.8bn have been approved for British arms companies to the kingdom.

These arms deals are established through government to government contracts and benefit from institutional support and backing from successive British governments. The contracts largely involve the UK’s primary arms manufacturer BAE Systems which sold 72 of its Eurofighter Typhoons to Saudi Arabia in a £4.4billion deal called The Salam (“peace”) Project signed in September 2007.

Saudi Arabia has the best equipped armed forces in the Gulf, while counting on its Western partners to guarantee its security. The British government has gone as far as to offer financial and practical support to the Saudi regime. In a recent statement, Phillip Hammond, the UK foreign secretary stressed the “political…logistical and technical support” given to Saudi Arabia by the UK and confirmed military cooperation in the form of training to the Saudi Air force, which is largely equipped with a British Tornado fleet, Typhoon aircraft and UK munitions.

Britain continues to keep a large military training team in Saudi Arabia consisting of at least 95 British military personnel who advise the kingdom’s forces in areas such as combat skills and counter terrorism. Along with the British Military Mission, a specialised team assists in the procurement and commissioning of a new communications system for the Saudi National Guard (SANGCOM). There also 5,000 BAE employees situated in Saudi Arabia and the sale of BAE equipment is supported by the Ministry of Defence Saudi Armed Forces Project (MODSAP). Located within the Corporate Services management within the MoD, its cost – £39.59 million – is reimbursed by the Saudi government.

Significantly, the British government designates Saudi Arabia as a “high growth” and “priority” market in the Middle East resulting in bilateral trade worth £15 billion per year, millions of which originates from the sale of arms. As well providing political sanction to Saudi Arabia’s interests, consecutive arms deals have produced a diplomatic relationship which has profound implications for the UK’s foreign policy in the Middle East. The political and military support for the Saudi regime has allowed Britain to carry out its interests by proxy.

UK-Saudi cooperation is based on a continued sense of common interests in defence, security and trade according to the government publication. The government identifies Saudi Arabia’s shared security concerns including the containment of Iran; resolution of the Syrian crisis; stabilising Yemen; and supposedly, support for Arab states in transition. These shared interests have made the maintenance of Saudi Arabia’s strength in the region an important strategy for the British government.

Certainly, the bombing of Houthi rebel targets in Yemen in the Saudi-led campaign marks the first time the British-made Typhoon warplanes have been used in anger by a foreign air force. Earlier this year, Saudi Typhoons attacked Islamic State (ISIS) in Syria with the same British made aircraft. British support for Saudi Arabia as a regional partner and a key player in the region may be rooted in what are perceived to be common foreign policy goals, but it has given Britain little responsibility or control over their strategy in the region, instead it has allowed the government to outsource the implementation of their foreign policy interests.

Britain certainly sees Saudi Arabia as a force for moderation in the Middle East. The government expressed belief that Saudi Arabia maintains “regional security and stability” even though Saudi Arabia’s actions have often been at the expense of the long term benefits of the countries involved.

The House of Commons’ Foreign Affairs Committee’s publication highlights the government’s approval of Saudi Arabia’s aversion to the events in Egypt since the 2011 revolution. The British government recognised Saudi Arabia’s concern for the departure of former President Hosni Mubarak and, following the ousting of President Morsi, Saudi’s aid package of £5 billion in support of Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi’s actions.

The government has also highlighted the cooperation between Saudi Arabia and the UK over Yemen as an example of them working together on “counter terrorism”. Similarly, it expressed support for Saudi Arabia’s supply of weapons to Syrian militants in 2012 with the interest of containing Islamic extremists and the Iran-backed Syrian government.

Political cooperation between the UK and Saudi Arabia can be summarised by Foreign Secretary Phillip Hammond’s statement: “We’ll support the Saudis in every practical way short of engaging in combat”. Such a statement is not insignificant given that the supply of military equipment to Saudi Arabia gives legitimacy to their interests in the region and provides a channel through which Britain’s foreign policy agenda can be achieved.

Saudi Arabia has played a questionable role in the political transitions of both Egypt and Yemen since 2011. Considering that the UK government places humanitarian and democratic issues as key foreign policy commitments, their relations with Saudi Arabia, which is underpinned by the proliferation of arms, highlights a problematic discrepancy between commitment and practice.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.